Inleiding:
Naar aanleiding van de praktische opdracht die ons vrij liet in de keuze van onderwerp, heb ik gekozen voor het een man die geschiedenis heeft geschreven.
Uit de titel blijkt al over welke man ik schrijf. Ik heb heel veel bewondering voor Nelson Mandela en daarom is hij het onderwerp van mijn praktische opdracht geworden.
Hoofdvraag: Wat was de rol van Nelson Mandela bij de afschaffing van de apartheid?
Deelvraag 1: Hoe is de apartheid ontstaan?
Deelvraag 2: Wat is de achtergrond van Nelson Mandela?
Deelvraag 3: Wat is het ANC?
Info Deelvragen:
Deelvraag 1: Hoe is de apartheid ontstaan?
o Zie het boek “Zuid-Afrika, ontstaan en ontwikkeling van de apartheid – Stan Verschuuren”
Deelvraag 2: Wat is de achtergrond van Nelson Mandela?
An Autobiographical Note by Nelson Mandela, 1964
Notes written by Mandela about himself while on trial for sabotage at the request of James Kantor, one of the accused against whom the charges were later withdrawn.
I was born in Umtata, Transkei, on 18 July 1918. My father, Chief Henry, was a polygamist with four wives. Neither he nor my mother ever went to school. My father died in 1930, after which David Dalindyebo, then acting Paramount Chief of the tribe, became my guardian.
I am related to both Sabata Dalindyebo, the present Paramount Chief of Tembuland, and to Kaizer Matanzima, Chief Minister for the Transkei. Both are, according to Tembu custom, my nephews.
I hold the degree of Bachelor of Arts from the University of South Africa, and am a qualified solicitor. I married Winnie, daughter of Columbus Madikizela, the present Minister of Agriculture in the Transkei, in 1958, whilst an accused in the Treason Trial. I have five children, three by a former marriage and two with Winnie.
My political interest was first aroused when I listened to elders of our tribe in my village as a youth. They spoke of the good old days before the arrival of the White man. Our people lived peacefully under the democratic rule of their kings and counsellors and moved freely all over their country. Then the country was ours. We occupied the land, the forests and the rivers. We set up and operated our own government; we controlled our own armies, and organised our own trade and commerce.
The elders would tell us about the liberation and how it was fought by our ancestors in defence of our country, as well as the acts of valour performed by generals and soldiers during those epic days. I hoped, and vowed then, that amongst the pleasures that life might offer me, would be the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their struggle for freedom. At 16, as is our custom, I went to a circumcision school on the banks of the Bashee River, the place where many of my ancestors were circumcised. By the standards of my tribe, I was now a man ready to take part in the 'parliament' of the tribe Imbizo. At 23, my guardian felt it was time for me to get married. He loved me very much and looked after me as diligently as my father had, but he was no democrat and did not think it worthwhile to consult me about a wife. He selected a girl, fat and dignified, paid lobola108 and arrangements were afoot for the wedding. I escaped to Johannesburg.
I applied for a job at Crown Mines. I had left home with my nephew, who was four years older than I, Chief Justice Mtirara, now a member of the Transkeian Territorial Authority. It was arranged that he would start off as a learner mabalana (clerk) and I as a policeman. After a short time, it was said, when a vacancy occurred, I would become a clerk. I left the mines and worked for a year as an estate agent at £2 per month plus commission. It was the most difficult time in my life. In 1942 I was articled to a Johannesburg firm of attorneys - Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman. To Mr Sidelsky, I will always be indebted. Two of the experiences I had in the firm are worth recording. On my first day at the office the White senior typist said, 'Look, Nelson, we have no colour bar here. When the tea-boy brings the tea, come and get yours from the tray. We have brought two new cups for you and Gaur Radike -another African employee. You must use them. Tell Gaur about your cups. Be careful of him, Nelson, he is a bad influence.' I duly told Gaur, whose response was, 'I will show you. Do exactly as I do.' When the tea arrived Gaur boycotted the new cups and picked one of the old ones. I had no desire to quarrel with him or the senior typist, so for months I did not drink tea.
Some months later a new typist, also White, was in the habit of asking me for work when she had nothing to do. One day I was dictating to her when a White client came in. She was obviously embarrassed and, to demonstrate that I was not her employer, she took 6d. from her purse and said, 'Nelson, please go and get me some hair shampoo from the chemist.'
In 1944 I joined the African National Congress. The movement grew and in 1952 I was elected President of the Transvaal branch. The same year I became Deputy National President. I was ordered to resign in 1953 by the Nationalist Government. In 1953 I was sentenced to a suspended sentence of nine months' imprisonment for my part in organising the campaign for the Defiance of Unjust Laws. Then in 1956 I was arrested on charges of high treason. The case lasted for five years and I was discharged in March 1961. Early in April 1961 I went underground to organise the May strike, and have never been home since.
In January 1962, I toured Africa, visiting Tanganyika, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Mali, Senegal, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ghana and Nigeria. I also visited England. In all these countries I met the Heads of State or other senior government officials. In England I was received by Hugh Gaitskell, then leader of the Labour Party, and by Jo Grimond, leader of the Liberal Party.
Mandela, Nelson:
In de strijd van de zwarte Zuid-Afrikanen tegen de apartheid onderscheidt Nelson Mandela zich ongetwijfeld van alle anderen. Zijn werk in het Afrikaans Nationaal Congres en zijn campagnevoering voor de rechten van zwarten resulteerden in een 26 jaar durende gevangenschap. 26 jaar lang weigerde hij compromissen te aanvaarden in ruil voor zijn vrijlating. De Zuid-Afrikanse regering liet hem pas vrij in 1990.
In 1993 kreeg hij samen met de blanke leider F.W. de Klerk de Nobelprijs voor de vrede voor hun gezamenlijke inspanningen voor vrede en verzoening in hun land. In 1994 werd hij tot de eerste zwarte president verkozen van het land dat hem had gevangen gezet.
Vroege leven:
Nelson Mandela werd in 1918 geboren als zoon van Xhosa-opperhoofd in Mvezo in Transkei. Hij ging naar Healdtown, de topschool voor zwarte kinderen. Hij studeerde aan het Universiteitscollege van Fort Hare voor hij rechten ging studeren aan de Witwatersranduniversiteit. Hij werd toen jurist in Johannesburg.
Afrikaans Nationaal Congres:
Het Afrikaans Nationaal Congres (ANC) werd in 1912 opgericht om de belangen van de zwarten in Zuid-Afrikanen te beschermen en te verbeteren. Als jongeman ontmoette Nelson Mandela in Johannesburg de burgerrechtenactivist Walter Sisulu die hem introduceerde in het ANC. Mandela die eveneens ander zwarten in zijn land iets wilde doen tegen de discriminatie tegen de zwarte meerderheid door de blanke minderheid begon zijn carriere bij de ANC-jongeren en ging later deel uitmaken vande leiding van het ANC in 1950. Mandela reisde heel Zuid-Afrika af voor het ANC om het vrijheidsideaal uit te dragen van een multiraciale democratische regering. Zijn reizen en toespraken waren echter een doorn in het oog van de toenmalige (blanke) regering en in 1961 werd de ANC verboden.
Sharpesville:
Op 21 maart 1960, tijdens een van de zwaarste civiele rellen in Zuid-Afrika, opende de politie het vuur op een demonstratie tegen de pasjeswetten in de kleurlingenwijk Sharpesville. 69 Afrikanen kwamen om het leven en bijna 400 raakten gewond. De demonstratie maakte deel uit van een burgerlijke ongehoorzaamheidscampagne, georganiseerd om de regering te dwingen de wetten aan te passen. In heel Zuid-Afrika werd de noodtoestand verklaard.
de Pas:
Iedere zwarte Afrikaan was verplicht altijd een pasjesboekje bij te hebben, dat de toegang tot 'blanke' plaatsen verbood. Samen met vele anderen weigerde Mandela zijn pas bij zich te dragen en uit protest besloten ze hun pas in het openbaar te verbranden.
Gevangenneming:
In het jaar 1961 werd het ANC dus verboden en de leiders, waaronder ook Mandela, werden gearresteerd. Aanvankelijk wist Mandela zijn arrestatie te ontlopen, maar uiteindelijk werd hij opgepakt en vijf jaar lang gevangen genomen. In de gevangenis werd hij volgens de wet voor de Onderdrukking van het Communisme schuldig bevonden aan sabotage en poging om een revolutie uit te lokken. In juni 1964 kreeg hij levenslang. Hij bracht het grootste deel van de tijd door in de streng bewaakte gevangenis op Robbeneiland.
Winnie Mandela:
In 1961 trouwde Nelson Mandela met Winnie Mdikizela, zijn tweede vrouw. Terwijl hij in de gevangenis zat voerde zij onvermoeibaar campagne voor zijn vrijlating en het ANC. Sommige van haar eigen politieke activiteiten lokten echter nogal wat controverse uit en na zijn vrijlating in 1990 ging het koppel uit elkaar en scheidde in 1996.
Boycot & Vrijlating:
In de tussentijd boycotten over de hele wereld anti-apartheidsbewegingen Zuid-Afrikaanse producten zoals fruit en wijn uit protest tegen apartheid en Mandela's gevangenschap. De boycots, die ook op het sportvlak werden doortrokken, droegen ertoe bij dat de apartheidsregering dan toch besloot om Mandela vrij te laten.
Op 2 februari 1990 hief de Zuid-Afrikaanse president F.W. de Klerk het verbod op het ANC op. Negen dagen later wandelde Mandela als een vrij man de Victor Vestergevangenis bij Kaapstad uit, na 26 jaar achter de tralies doorgebracht te hebben.
President:
Na zijn vrijlating begon Mandela te onderhandelen met de Zuid-Afrikaanse regering om apartheid af te schaffen en een multiraciale regering aan te stellen. In april 1994 werden vrije verkiezingen georganiseerd met een overrompelende meerderheid voor het ANC. De maand daarop werd Mandela de eerste zwarte president van Zuid-Afrika. De nieuwe regering nam de taak op zich het land te moderniseren en te stabiliseren.
http://histoportal.com/biografie/nelsonmandela.htm
Deelvraag 3: Wat is het ANC?
Zie boek “Oorzaak en Gevolg, het einde van de apartheid – Catherine bradley”
FORMATION OF THE ANC
The South African Act of Union which was passed by the British House of Commons in 1909 and ratified by the South African Parliament on May 31, 1910 - the anniversary date of the Treaty of Vereeniging (May 31, 1902) signed after the Anglo-Boer War - was based on a Colour Bar clause that precluded all Blacks from being eligible to become members of Parliament. On May 31, 1910 the so-called Union of South Africa was formed. But even before May 31, 1910 Africans suffered untold disabilities. When translated into practice this Act meant the repression of all Blacks in every conceivable form; it was used to curtail African freedom of movement; to deny the Blacks the rights of trading in their areas; to cripple their education and generally to deny them the basic human rights and chances of equality of opportunity in economic development, cultural welfare and social advance. There were also other grievances, which have been documented by Professor D.D.T. Jabavu, son of Tengo Jabavu. He states that an African was required to carry as many as twelve different 'legal' documents to avoid being imprisoned when challenged by the police a barbarous system-the pass system. According to the pass laws Africans could be arrested and removed from any place to any other place for any reason at any time. This pass system was closely connected with direct taxation. Under the Poll Tax law Africans were forced to pay a tax altogether disproportionate to their earnings-a question which not only made inroads into the earnings of most Africans but constituted one of the most heart-rending single grievances among the Africans. This taxation was painful in many ways: boys under 18 were taxed because magistrates were allowed to judge a boy's age from appearance; this taxation was also used as a means of compulsion to labour in the service of Whites. In addition, many white farmers paid wages in kind only and some paid the ú1 Poll Tax and bound the Africans for a year at a time to their farms. The poll tax receipt was made into a kind of pass, so that when an African failed to produce it to a policeman, he was prosecuted on a criminal charge and was liable to imprisonment. They even taxed blankets - 25 per cent for those imported - and blankets are an indispensable article of apparel among rural Africans. There were problems - such as the old age pensions - which were paid every month to European men but not to Africans. On the contrary African aged men were compelled to pay the universal Native Poll Tax till death if, in the judgement of the magistrate they had cattle. There were other irritations, such as the curfew regulations which stipulated that it was a criminal offence for an African male - in some provinces even females-to be in town (outside the location) without a night pass after 9pm; excessive rents, lack of adequate transport, indifference of town councils and appalling or non-existent medical services. The injustice of law courts was legalised. The Masters and Servants Laws enabled the white farmers to repudiate a contract entered into with an African servant and then turn round and imprison that servant, if he refused to serve, notwithstanding the white farmer's dishonesty - repudiation of his own contract. The Law further instituted punishment by lashing. This was in no way the whole source of African grievance; it was just the tip of an iceberg but this tip does drive the point home-namely that the complaints about suffering were not merely a sentimental grievance but real suffering. Faced with these problems and the fact that their interests had been totally disregarded, in the absence of a political organisation of their own which could voice their grievances and aspirations, these new African intellectuals - some of whom had just come back from Europe and America-started to work and to educate the masses on their rights, duties and obligations to the state and to themselves, individually as well as collectively and to promote mutual help, feelings of brotherhood and a spirit of togetherness among them. Seme and others became involved in this movement. Seme said he was 'requested by several Natives, Leaders and Chiefs, to write a full and concise statement on the subject of the South African Native Congress' but, he continued, 'I feel, however, that I shall better meet their desire as well as more properly treat this subject if I disregard the pretentious title and write on the simple subject of Native Union, for, after all, this is what the Congress shall be'. He wanted to emphasise the question of unity -a unity that cut across but did not replace ethnic characteristics. After explaining what he thought Congress should do he emphasised the urgency of forming the ANC' 'Again, it is conclusively urgent that this Congress should meet this year, because a matter which is so vitally important to our progress and welfare should not be unnecessarily postponed by reason of personal differences and selfishness of our leaders'. We should remember that when Seme was saying Congress should meet 'this Year' he was writing in October, 1911. And then he came to what we consider the central theme of his contribution: 'The demon of racialism, the aberrations of the Xhosa- Fingo feud, the animosity that exists between the Zulus and the Tongaas, between the Basutos and every other Native must be buried and forgotten; it has shed among us sufficient blood. We are one people. These divisions, these jealousies, are the cause of all our woes and of all our backwardness and ignorance today'. The Africans followed Seme's advice and on January 8, 1912 they came from all 4 provinces of South Africa and Botswana. They met in Bloemfontein, where it was Seme again who gave the keynote address. He said: 'Chiefs of royal blood and gentlemen of our race, we have gathered here to consider and discuss a theme which my colleagues and I have decided to place before you. We have discovered that in the land of their birth, Africans are treated as hewers of wood and drawers of water. The white people of this country have formed what is known as the Union of South Africa - a union in which we have no voice in the making of the laws and no part in their administration. We have called you therefore to this Conference so that we can together devise ways and means of forming our national union for the purpose of creating national unity and defending our rights and privileges'. What Seme was saying was simply that the ANC was going to represent not just the overwhelming majority of the people of South Africa but exactly that section of the population which had known nothing but violent legislation from the government, especially since 1910. The opening speeches were made. The gathering sang Tiyo Soga's Lizalis'idinga Lakho, Thixo Nkosi Yenyaniso, Fulfill Thy Promise, God, Thou Lord of Truth). Seme, seconded by Alfred Mangena, moved that those assembled should establish the South African Native National Congress. He was unanimously supported. A committee was appointed to draw up a constitution. George Montsioa suggested that seven paramount chiefs be appointed as Honorary Presidents of the South African Native National Congress. This inaugural conference resolved that two houses, the Upper and Lower House, should be established. The Chiefs who were to be honourary Presidents were: Dalindyebo of the Thembus, Montsioa of the Barolong, Lewanika of Barotseland (part of Zambia), Letsie 11 of Basutoland (Lesotho) who was elected President, Khama of Bechuanaland (Botswana), Dinizulu, the Zulu Chief who was deposed and exiled to the Transvaal by the British was also included. The committee proper consisted of: The Rev. John L. Dube, as President; Solomon T. Plaatje became Secretary; Pixley ka Isaka Seme was elected Treasurer; Thomas Mapikela of the Orange Free State became Speaker and Montsioa Recording Secretary. The Rev. Mqoboli of the Wesleyan Church became Chaplain-in-chief with the Rev. H.R. Ngcayiya his Assistant. Rev. Walter Rubusana, Meshack Pelem, Sam Makgatho and Alfred Mangena were elected Vice-Presidents. This first National Executive of the ANC is interesting in many respects: it consisted of four ministers of religion, lawyers, an editor (Plaatje), a building contractor (Mapikela) a teacher and estate agent (Makgatho) and a teacher, interpreter and Native Labour Agent (Pelem). These are people who went to the mission schools and five of them studied abroad (UK and USA) and others had attended conferences overseas. These men were prominent in local political organisations and even nationally. They were relatively young - in their thirties and early fifties. The four provinces were well represented on the Executive. A word on the inclusion of the chiefs. They were honoured in accordance with African tradition by being involved in this new organisation as Honorary Presidents in the Upper House. They represented the rural masses who were the majority of the people at the time and the section most affected by the land robbery. There was a need for an alliance between the peasants and the young intellectuals - the working class was still in the process of formation. These chiefs were the recognised spokesmen of their people - they had fought against colonialism and some of them were victimised, deposed and banished. It is said that in 1912 Dube addressed a group of Africans in Zululand to explain the new movement and appeal for unity. A member of the audience shouted: 'I thank Bambata. I thank Bambata very much. Would this spirit might continue! I do not mean the Bambata of the bush who perished at Nkandhla, but I mean this new spirit which we have just heard explained'. At the inaugural conference of the ANC eleven papers were read and the topics ranged from African marriage and divorce, African beer, schools and churches, African labour, segregation, the land question (Squatters Law). To conclude the proceedings John Knox Bokwe's Give a Thought to Africa was sung and the delegates returned home to report back. The formation of the ANC on January 8, 1912 signified the birthday not only of the ANC but also of the nation - the ANC was assigned the task of being a midwife in this process of national rebirth and regeneration. This meant the creation of a loyalty of a new type, a non- tribal loyalty, a loyalty which was inherently anti- colonial and by implication anti-missionary. This was an act of national salvation, a continuation - under new historical conditions - of the anti-colonial struggle of our people which began with colonialism itself. Uitwerking Deelvragen in betoog: Deelvraag 1: Hoe is de apartheid ontstaan? Apartheid is een systeem dat blanken in staat worden gesteld om de zwarte bevolking als goedkopere arbeidskrachten te gebruiken en hen op elk gewenst moment hun te kleineren dat ze slecht en minderwaardig zijn dan de blanken. Het woord Apartheid is dan ook het bekendste Afrikaanse woord van de wereld. De apartheid heeft heel erg lang geduurd, van 1948 tot 1991. Daarvoor had de zwarte bevolking ook heel weinig te vertellen en waren de blanken de baas. Tot dat in 1948 een blanke partij aan de macht kwam en de Apartheid officieel invoerde. De partij bedacht allerlei wetten die de zwarte bevolkingsgroep discrimineerde. De blanken, een zeer kleine groep van de bevolking, kregen de macht. En kleineerden de zwarten. De zwarten bevolking werden van de blanken gescheiden. Ze moesten reizen in ‘zwarte’ bussen en treinen. Ze hadden aparte ziekenhuizen en ze woonden in aparte wijken, townships genoemd, waar de straten stoffig en smerig zijn en de huizen vaak niet meer zijn dan krotten, met houten planken met een zinkplaat erop. De blanken woonden daar in tegen meestal in grote villas achter hoge muren met zwart personeel. De zwarten kinderen mochten zelfs niet naar een school waar ook blanken kinderen les kregen. Zelfs de stranden waren gescheiden. Deelvraag 2: Wat is de achtergrond van Nelson Mandela? Nelson Rolihlala Mandela is op 18 Juli 1918 geboren in Zuid-Afrika. In 1942 studeert hij af in de rechtswetenschappen aan de universiteit van Witwatersrand. In 1944 wordt Mandela officieel lid van het ANC (Afrikaans Nationaal Congres). Het ANC voert strijd tegen de apartheid van de blanken in zijn land. Mandela zet voor het ANC een professionele verzetseenheid op: Umkhonto We Sizwe. Dit betekent "Speer van het Volk". Tussen 1956 en 1961 staat Mandela terecht op verdenking van landverraad. De rechtbank spreekt hem vrij. In 1960 vindt de slachting van ongewapende demonstranten in Sharpville plaats. Naar aanleiding van deze slachting verdedigt Mandela openlijk sabotageacties tegen het Zuid-Afrikaanse bewind. In 1962 veroordeelt de rechtbank hem tot vijf jaar gevangenisstraf. In 1963 moet Mandela opnieuw terechtstaan nadat de politie wapens heeft gevonden bij het hoofdkwartier van de verzetseenheid. In 1964 krijgt Mandela levenslang. Op 11 februari 1990 laat de Zuid-Afrikaanse president F.W. de Klerk Mandela vrij. Kort daarna wordt Mandela leider van het ANC. Mandela en De Klerk spannen zich in om Zuid-Afrika om te vormen tot een niet-racistisch democratisch land. In 1993 krijgen De Klerk en Mandela hiervoor de Nobelprijs voor de Vrede. In 1994 worden de eerste niet-raciale verkiezingen van Zuid-Afrika gehouden. Mandela wint met een grote meerderheid. Hij is de eerste zwarte president van Zuid-Afrika. In 1999 is hij op 80-jarige leeftijd gestopt. Deelvraag 3: Wat is het ANC? Het African National Congress was een politieke partij die door de zwarten destijds voor de zwarte bevolking opkwam, hiervoor was het ANC opgericht en die vijftig jaar lang tegen dit onrecht heeft gevochten. In 1944 vormden een groep jongeren die al lid waren van het ANC hun eigen partij het ANCYL (African National Congress Youth League) In 1947 stelde Mandela zich kandidaat voor de verkiezingen binnen het ANCYL. In 1950 werd Mandela gekozen bij de NEC ( National Executive Commitee) waar hij vol zeggenschap kreeg.
Conclusie:
Mandela heeft ervoor gezorgd dat de zwarte en de blanke leiders weer met elkaar gingen vergaderen zodat de zwarte bevolking even veel rechten en plichten zou krijgen als de blanken. Het ANC waar Nelson Mandela lid van was organiseerde vele protestacties. Waartegen de blanke regering weer optrad. Hierdoor werd Nelson Mandela, een van de belangrijkste strijders tegen de Apartheid opgepakt. Ondanks zijn 27 jaar lange gevangenisstraf bleef hij doorvechten om de Apartheid af te schaffen, en dit is hem gelukt.
Bronvermelding:
Boeken:
o Zuid-Afrika, ontstaan en ontwikkeling van de apartheid – Stan Verschuuren.
o Oorzaak en Gevolg, het einde van de apartheid – Catherine bradley.
Websites:
o http://www.anc.org.za
o http://histoportal.com/biografie/nelsonmandela.html.
The South African Act of Union which was passed by the British House of Commons in 1909 and ratified by the South African Parliament on May 31, 1910 - the anniversary date of the Treaty of Vereeniging (May 31, 1902) signed after the Anglo-Boer War - was based on a Colour Bar clause that precluded all Blacks from being eligible to become members of Parliament. On May 31, 1910 the so-called Union of South Africa was formed. But even before May 31, 1910 Africans suffered untold disabilities. When translated into practice this Act meant the repression of all Blacks in every conceivable form; it was used to curtail African freedom of movement; to deny the Blacks the rights of trading in their areas; to cripple their education and generally to deny them the basic human rights and chances of equality of opportunity in economic development, cultural welfare and social advance. There were also other grievances, which have been documented by Professor D.D.T. Jabavu, son of Tengo Jabavu. He states that an African was required to carry as many as twelve different 'legal' documents to avoid being imprisoned when challenged by the police a barbarous system-the pass system. According to the pass laws Africans could be arrested and removed from any place to any other place for any reason at any time. This pass system was closely connected with direct taxation. Under the Poll Tax law Africans were forced to pay a tax altogether disproportionate to their earnings-a question which not only made inroads into the earnings of most Africans but constituted one of the most heart-rending single grievances among the Africans. This taxation was painful in many ways: boys under 18 were taxed because magistrates were allowed to judge a boy's age from appearance; this taxation was also used as a means of compulsion to labour in the service of Whites. In addition, many white farmers paid wages in kind only and some paid the ú1 Poll Tax and bound the Africans for a year at a time to their farms. The poll tax receipt was made into a kind of pass, so that when an African failed to produce it to a policeman, he was prosecuted on a criminal charge and was liable to imprisonment. They even taxed blankets - 25 per cent for those imported - and blankets are an indispensable article of apparel among rural Africans. There were problems - such as the old age pensions - which were paid every month to European men but not to Africans. On the contrary African aged men were compelled to pay the universal Native Poll Tax till death if, in the judgement of the magistrate they had cattle. There were other irritations, such as the curfew regulations which stipulated that it was a criminal offence for an African male - in some provinces even females-to be in town (outside the location) without a night pass after 9pm; excessive rents, lack of adequate transport, indifference of town councils and appalling or non-existent medical services. The injustice of law courts was legalised. The Masters and Servants Laws enabled the white farmers to repudiate a contract entered into with an African servant and then turn round and imprison that servant, if he refused to serve, notwithstanding the white farmer's dishonesty - repudiation of his own contract. The Law further instituted punishment by lashing. This was in no way the whole source of African grievance; it was just the tip of an iceberg but this tip does drive the point home-namely that the complaints about suffering were not merely a sentimental grievance but real suffering. Faced with these problems and the fact that their interests had been totally disregarded, in the absence of a political organisation of their own which could voice their grievances and aspirations, these new African intellectuals - some of whom had just come back from Europe and America-started to work and to educate the masses on their rights, duties and obligations to the state and to themselves, individually as well as collectively and to promote mutual help, feelings of brotherhood and a spirit of togetherness among them. Seme and others became involved in this movement. Seme said he was 'requested by several Natives, Leaders and Chiefs, to write a full and concise statement on the subject of the South African Native Congress' but, he continued, 'I feel, however, that I shall better meet their desire as well as more properly treat this subject if I disregard the pretentious title and write on the simple subject of Native Union, for, after all, this is what the Congress shall be'. He wanted to emphasise the question of unity -a unity that cut across but did not replace ethnic characteristics. After explaining what he thought Congress should do he emphasised the urgency of forming the ANC' 'Again, it is conclusively urgent that this Congress should meet this year, because a matter which is so vitally important to our progress and welfare should not be unnecessarily postponed by reason of personal differences and selfishness of our leaders'. We should remember that when Seme was saying Congress should meet 'this Year' he was writing in October, 1911. And then he came to what we consider the central theme of his contribution: 'The demon of racialism, the aberrations of the Xhosa- Fingo feud, the animosity that exists between the Zulus and the Tongaas, between the Basutos and every other Native must be buried and forgotten; it has shed among us sufficient blood. We are one people. These divisions, these jealousies, are the cause of all our woes and of all our backwardness and ignorance today'. The Africans followed Seme's advice and on January 8, 1912 they came from all 4 provinces of South Africa and Botswana. They met in Bloemfontein, where it was Seme again who gave the keynote address. He said: 'Chiefs of royal blood and gentlemen of our race, we have gathered here to consider and discuss a theme which my colleagues and I have decided to place before you. We have discovered that in the land of their birth, Africans are treated as hewers of wood and drawers of water. The white people of this country have formed what is known as the Union of South Africa - a union in which we have no voice in the making of the laws and no part in their administration. We have called you therefore to this Conference so that we can together devise ways and means of forming our national union for the purpose of creating national unity and defending our rights and privileges'. What Seme was saying was simply that the ANC was going to represent not just the overwhelming majority of the people of South Africa but exactly that section of the population which had known nothing but violent legislation from the government, especially since 1910. The opening speeches were made. The gathering sang Tiyo Soga's Lizalis'idinga Lakho, Thixo Nkosi Yenyaniso, Fulfill Thy Promise, God, Thou Lord of Truth). Seme, seconded by Alfred Mangena, moved that those assembled should establish the South African Native National Congress. He was unanimously supported. A committee was appointed to draw up a constitution. George Montsioa suggested that seven paramount chiefs be appointed as Honorary Presidents of the South African Native National Congress. This inaugural conference resolved that two houses, the Upper and Lower House, should be established. The Chiefs who were to be honourary Presidents were: Dalindyebo of the Thembus, Montsioa of the Barolong, Lewanika of Barotseland (part of Zambia), Letsie 11 of Basutoland (Lesotho) who was elected President, Khama of Bechuanaland (Botswana), Dinizulu, the Zulu Chief who was deposed and exiled to the Transvaal by the British was also included. The committee proper consisted of: The Rev. John L. Dube, as President; Solomon T. Plaatje became Secretary; Pixley ka Isaka Seme was elected Treasurer; Thomas Mapikela of the Orange Free State became Speaker and Montsioa Recording Secretary. The Rev. Mqoboli of the Wesleyan Church became Chaplain-in-chief with the Rev. H.R. Ngcayiya his Assistant. Rev. Walter Rubusana, Meshack Pelem, Sam Makgatho and Alfred Mangena were elected Vice-Presidents. This first National Executive of the ANC is interesting in many respects: it consisted of four ministers of religion, lawyers, an editor (Plaatje), a building contractor (Mapikela) a teacher and estate agent (Makgatho) and a teacher, interpreter and Native Labour Agent (Pelem). These are people who went to the mission schools and five of them studied abroad (UK and USA) and others had attended conferences overseas. These men were prominent in local political organisations and even nationally. They were relatively young - in their thirties and early fifties. The four provinces were well represented on the Executive. A word on the inclusion of the chiefs. They were honoured in accordance with African tradition by being involved in this new organisation as Honorary Presidents in the Upper House. They represented the rural masses who were the majority of the people at the time and the section most affected by the land robbery. There was a need for an alliance between the peasants and the young intellectuals - the working class was still in the process of formation. These chiefs were the recognised spokesmen of their people - they had fought against colonialism and some of them were victimised, deposed and banished. It is said that in 1912 Dube addressed a group of Africans in Zululand to explain the new movement and appeal for unity. A member of the audience shouted: 'I thank Bambata. I thank Bambata very much. Would this spirit might continue! I do not mean the Bambata of the bush who perished at Nkandhla, but I mean this new spirit which we have just heard explained'. At the inaugural conference of the ANC eleven papers were read and the topics ranged from African marriage and divorce, African beer, schools and churches, African labour, segregation, the land question (Squatters Law). To conclude the proceedings John Knox Bokwe's Give a Thought to Africa was sung and the delegates returned home to report back. The formation of the ANC on January 8, 1912 signified the birthday not only of the ANC but also of the nation - the ANC was assigned the task of being a midwife in this process of national rebirth and regeneration. This meant the creation of a loyalty of a new type, a non- tribal loyalty, a loyalty which was inherently anti- colonial and by implication anti-missionary. This was an act of national salvation, a continuation - under new historical conditions - of the anti-colonial struggle of our people which began with colonialism itself. Uitwerking Deelvragen in betoog: Deelvraag 1: Hoe is de apartheid ontstaan? Apartheid is een systeem dat blanken in staat worden gesteld om de zwarte bevolking als goedkopere arbeidskrachten te gebruiken en hen op elk gewenst moment hun te kleineren dat ze slecht en minderwaardig zijn dan de blanken. Het woord Apartheid is dan ook het bekendste Afrikaanse woord van de wereld. De apartheid heeft heel erg lang geduurd, van 1948 tot 1991. Daarvoor had de zwarte bevolking ook heel weinig te vertellen en waren de blanken de baas. Tot dat in 1948 een blanke partij aan de macht kwam en de Apartheid officieel invoerde. De partij bedacht allerlei wetten die de zwarte bevolkingsgroep discrimineerde. De blanken, een zeer kleine groep van de bevolking, kregen de macht. En kleineerden de zwarten. De zwarten bevolking werden van de blanken gescheiden. Ze moesten reizen in ‘zwarte’ bussen en treinen. Ze hadden aparte ziekenhuizen en ze woonden in aparte wijken, townships genoemd, waar de straten stoffig en smerig zijn en de huizen vaak niet meer zijn dan krotten, met houten planken met een zinkplaat erop. De blanken woonden daar in tegen meestal in grote villas achter hoge muren met zwart personeel. De zwarten kinderen mochten zelfs niet naar een school waar ook blanken kinderen les kregen. Zelfs de stranden waren gescheiden. Deelvraag 2: Wat is de achtergrond van Nelson Mandela? Nelson Rolihlala Mandela is op 18 Juli 1918 geboren in Zuid-Afrika. In 1942 studeert hij af in de rechtswetenschappen aan de universiteit van Witwatersrand. In 1944 wordt Mandela officieel lid van het ANC (Afrikaans Nationaal Congres). Het ANC voert strijd tegen de apartheid van de blanken in zijn land. Mandela zet voor het ANC een professionele verzetseenheid op: Umkhonto We Sizwe. Dit betekent "Speer van het Volk". Tussen 1956 en 1961 staat Mandela terecht op verdenking van landverraad. De rechtbank spreekt hem vrij. In 1960 vindt de slachting van ongewapende demonstranten in Sharpville plaats. Naar aanleiding van deze slachting verdedigt Mandela openlijk sabotageacties tegen het Zuid-Afrikaanse bewind. In 1962 veroordeelt de rechtbank hem tot vijf jaar gevangenisstraf. In 1963 moet Mandela opnieuw terechtstaan nadat de politie wapens heeft gevonden bij het hoofdkwartier van de verzetseenheid. In 1964 krijgt Mandela levenslang. Op 11 februari 1990 laat de Zuid-Afrikaanse president F.W. de Klerk Mandela vrij. Kort daarna wordt Mandela leider van het ANC. Mandela en De Klerk spannen zich in om Zuid-Afrika om te vormen tot een niet-racistisch democratisch land. In 1993 krijgen De Klerk en Mandela hiervoor de Nobelprijs voor de Vrede. In 1994 worden de eerste niet-raciale verkiezingen van Zuid-Afrika gehouden. Mandela wint met een grote meerderheid. Hij is de eerste zwarte president van Zuid-Afrika. In 1999 is hij op 80-jarige leeftijd gestopt. Deelvraag 3: Wat is het ANC? Het African National Congress was een politieke partij die door de zwarten destijds voor de zwarte bevolking opkwam, hiervoor was het ANC opgericht en die vijftig jaar lang tegen dit onrecht heeft gevochten. In 1944 vormden een groep jongeren die al lid waren van het ANC hun eigen partij het ANCYL (African National Congress Youth League) In 1947 stelde Mandela zich kandidaat voor de verkiezingen binnen het ANCYL. In 1950 werd Mandela gekozen bij de NEC ( National Executive Commitee) waar hij vol zeggenschap kreeg.
o http://histoportal.com/biografie/nelsonmandela.html.
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